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Reproductive Freedom News

July 1999
Volume VIII
Number 7

Worldwide:
A Church Disguised as a Nation: The Holy See at the UN

Refugee Rights in Kosovo

Chile Report Sheds Light on Rights

In the States:
Abortion Regulators Caught in Own TRAP

Legislative Update:
New Laws Trample Reproductive Rights

On the Docket:
Pregnant Women's Rights Protected

Parental Contact Laws Challenged

Worldwide

A CHURCH DISGUISED AS A NATION: THE HOLY SEE AT THE UN

When it comes to women's reproductive rights, few entities are more conservative than the Roman Catholic Church. It opposes abortion, sex education, and every modern contraceptive practice. Yet as a "permanent non-member state observer" to the United Nations, the Holy See - the government of the Roman Catholic Church - is uniquely positioned to influence international deliberation on population, family planning, and women's rights.

But now, the Center for Reproductive Law & Policy, along with Catholics for a Free Choice and nearly 80 other non-governmental organizations, has launched the "See Change" postcard campaign, urging UN Secretary General Kofi Annan to review the Holy See's status at the UN.

According to Anika Rahman, director of the Center for Reproductive Rights' International Program, by granting the Catholic Church the privilege of non-member state status, a position shared only with Switzerland, the UN is creating a precedent for similar claims by other religions. "To ensure that the UN does not promote one particular religion, entities such as the Roman Catholic Church should be permitted to participate in this forum as non-governmental organizations, not as non-member states," says Rahman.

At the heart of the campaign is the fundamental question as to whether the Holy See is truly a state at all under international law. According to the 1933 Montevideo Convention on Rights and Duties of States, to qualify for statehood an entity must possess:

  • a defined territory
  • a permanent population
  • a government
  • the capacity to enter into relations with other states.

While the Vatican City is a defined territory in Rome occupied by the Roman Catholic Church (approximately two-thirds the size of the Mall in Washington, D.C.), the Church has elected to participate in the UN as the "Holy See," not the Vatican City.

The Holy See is defined as the "supreme organ of government of the Church," not a territory, according to Archbishop Hyginus Eugene Cardinal, who wrote the authoritative work on the Holy See's position in international affairs. Since the Holy See represents Catholics worldwide, it cannot be said to have a "permanent" population. The only characteristic of a modern state that is attributable to the Holy See is its capacity to enter into relations with other states. The Holy See is party to international treaties and it receives foreign envoys.

As a United Nations non-member state observer since the 1950s, the Holy See cannot vote in the General Assembly, but can vote on recommendations issued at policy-setting international meetings. Since the inception of the U.N., the Roman Catholic Church has been an active participant in numerous international conferences such as the 1994 International Conference on Population Development and the 1995 Fourth World Conference on Women. Both Pope Paul VI and Pope John Paul II have addressed the world body.

In April, the Vatican criticized the distribution by United Nations agencies of emergency contraception to Kosovo refugees who had been raped. Ethnic Albanian women fleeing the situation in Kosovo have told of mass rapes by Serb forces. "It is unconscionable that the Church's patriarchy is influencing decisions that will negatively affect the lives of millions of women around the world," says Rahman.

  • The Vatican City is only 0.44 square kilometers in size, the smallest area in the world claiming to be a state.

  • The right to vote is limited to cardinals (all male) less than 80 years old.

  • The economy of the Vatican City is supported by contributions from Roman Catholics around the world, the sale of postage stamps and tourist mementos, fees for admission to museums, and the sale of publications.

  • There is no noun to identify the nationality of someone who resides in the Vatican City.

Source: The World Factbook, 1998

Barbara Becker

REFUGEES HAVE RIGHTS TOO (KOSOVO)

While the war in Kosovo has ended, the refugee crisis is far from over. The overwhelming majority of Kosovar refugees are women, children, and the elderly. As such, they have special needs.

Many women were sexually assaulted and raped while fleeing Kosovo, and it is not uncommon for sexual violence to occur within refugee camps. It is therefore imperative that these women's reproductive rights be protected.

Refugee protection laws were founded during the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (1951 Geneva Convention). These laws state that the host country should grant refugees the same rights to health care, laws, and policies that govern the nationals of those countries. In this case, since the majority of Kosovar refugees fled to Albania and Macedonia, it is the laws of those countries that predominately apply.

According to Center for Reproductive Rights staff attorney, Mindy Roseman, family planning in both Albania and Macedonia is legal and available. Unrestricted abortion is permitted up to 12 weeks in Albania and ten weeks in Macedonia. There are laws covering the dissemination of information for sexually transmitted diseases and treatment in Albania, but no such laws in Macedonia. Rape carries a penalty of up to ten years in both countries, while statutory rape, aggravated rape, and rape that results in a woman's impaired health or death carry higher sentences.

For further information, check out the Center for Reproductive Rights Fact Sheet entitled National Laws Affecting Kosovar Refugees' Reproductive Rights, found at http://www.reproductiverights.org.

THE POPULATION "PROBLEM"

July 11, 1999 is World Population Day. Three months later the earth is expected to reach a total of six billion people. But no matter how many people there are, the key issue is whether every pregnancy is wanted, every child is wanted , and every act of sex is consensual.

If these criteria aren't met, there is a problem. But it isn't a question of demographics. It is a question of human rights. World Population Day and the Day of 6 Billion (October 12, 1999) need to be about improving people's health and lives so that each of the six billion people on this planet can experience a full and productive life, according to the International Program at the Center for Reproductive Rights.

Of that 6 billion, at least 3 billion will be women and girls. If the 6 billionth person is a girl and she lives in Africa, for instance, she will have a life expectancy 26 years shorter than an American girl. If she is born in any low-income country, she likely will lack full access to sanitation, nutrition, and education. Each day, the equivalent of four jumbo jets full of women die from pregnancy-related causes, 99 percent of them in low-income countries.

"We believe in establishing human rights as the basis for developing just and equal societies," says Anika Rahman, director of the Center for Reproductive Rights' International Program. "Our primary concern is to create a better standard of living for all people, regardless of country-of-origin, race, sex, or economic status."

SIX KEY REPRODUCTIVE RIGHTS

What about abortion?

"Our view is, if countries can provide quality, comprehensive reproductive health care, free from coercion, and women are in the position to make their own informed choices, abortion rates will decrease."
-Janet Benshoof, President, Center for Reproductive Rights

Isn't population a factor in causing environmental degradation and reduction in species diversity?

One can't answer this question without taking a serious look at resource distribution & consumption patterns.

Industrialized countries, with 15% of the world's population, account for 76% of global consumption expenditure.

CHILE SHADOW REPORT TO THE UNITED NATIONS SHEDS LIGHT ON WOMEN'S RIGHTS

When an HIV/AIDS prevention campaign ran in Chile promoting the use of condoms, the media refused to show or discuss the ads for fear of offending conservatives. However, a Chilean senatorial candidate was allowed to go on national TV and proclaim his anti-abortion stance by flaunting a real fetus he insisted had a small soul.

Chile has emerged from its recent history of military dictatorship to achieve a level of economic prosperity far surpassing most Latin American countries. Yet Chilean people, and especially women, continue to be tyrannized by repressive attitudes, laws and policies. Abortion remains illegal, under any circumstance. Divorce is non-existent. Women must have their husband's consent to be sterilized. Sex education? Forget about it.

Still, on June 22, Chile submitted a progress report to the UN Committee on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), listing their recent accomplishments with respect to improved women's rights. In response, three Chilean women's rights organizations and the Center for Reproductive Rights presented a Shadow Report to the committee that stated in summation, "the Chilean government has failed to repeal laws and policies that blatantly discriminate against women in violation of the Women's Convention."

Carmen Antony is a lawyer for the Latin American and Caribbean Committee for the Defense of Women's Rights (CLADEM), one of the women's groups involved in drafting the Shadow Report. Antony began working for CLADEM while living in Panama, where she fled after a 1973 coup headed by General Augusto Pinochet led to years of human rights abuses. In recent years, after Chile took the first steps back toward a democratic-style government, Antony returned. But even today, she says, "Chile is not a real democracy. The role of the military is still very strong and closely linked to conservative groups and social sectors. The Church limits government talk about a sexual or reproductive program."

In fact, where once Pinochet ruled the country with an iron fist, the Catholic Church could be described as influencing the government with an iron touch. For instance, says Antony, "while 70% of the general population is in favor of adopting divorce laws, the legislature is afraid to pass such laws for fear of going against the Catholic Church, which gained a great deal of public support when they helped the 'disappeared' during the Pinochet years."

Chilean law once permitted pregnant women the right to an abortion if their life was in danger. That clause was repealed by Pinochet, and Chilean law on abortion remains one of the strictest in the world. Yet the abortion rate in Chile remains the highest of all the Latin America countries. It is estimated that 35% of pregnancies end in abortion, 160,000 abortions are performed annually, and 40% of the women who abort are under the age of 18.

Under the law, abortion providers and women who have illegal abortions are subject to punishment. Their situations are usually discovered when complications arise from unsafe, illegal abortions, forcing women to seek help at public hospitals. Medical personnel who suspect a woman of an abortion are required by law to report them to the authorities. Studies show that close to 57% of women who are prosecuted for illegal abortions are locked up, although usually for two weeks or less.

Antony says discrimination against women runs rampant in the prisons. Men get conjugal visits while women don't and she says many prostitutes are sexually abused while being transferred to other prisons. Mothers who are imprisoned and have no one to leave their young children with are allowed to bring their kids under the age of four along, even though there are few nurseries and no special services for them. "There is no policy for women in jail," says Antony.

While CEDAW cannot force any government to make changes, the international forum puts pressure on countries to improve their women's rights record. CEDAW monitors an international bill of rights focused on protecting the human rights of women. Chile became a State Party to it in 1989. On June 22, 1999, the Chilean government submitted a status report to CEDAW, detailing its progress on women's rights initiatives, including an amendment to the Constitution that embodies the principle of equality, the establishment of the National Office on Women (SERNAM), and changes in a law to no longer allow rapists to receive suspended sentences when they marry their victims.

But these three Chilean women's organizations - Corporacion de la Mujer La Morada (La Morada), the Latin American and Caribbean Committee for the Defense of Women's Rights (CLADEM), and the Open Forum on Reproductive and Sexual Rights (Open Forum) - and the Center for Reproductive Rights say the Chilean government has not done enough to eliminate discrimination against women. Their 25-page Shadow Report highlights the principal points of concern, including:

Marriage, Ownership of Marital Property, and Divorce: There is a total absence of a divorce law and little education surrounding the laws of marital property. Most women unknowingly enter into a marriage contract that makes the husband the administrator of all the couple's property. Another discriminatory family law grants sole parental authority to the father if the parents cannot reach agreement with regard to their children.

Sex Education: Efforts to educate young people on how to avoid unwanted pregnancies and the transmission of HIV/AIDS are stymied by conservative opposition groups and lack of government commitment.

Abortion: The criminalization of abortion in Chile violates the rights of Chilean women. Sexual Harassment: Under Chilean law, sexual harassment is not classified as unlawful behavior.

Education: Discrimination against pregnant students violates their right to an education.

Family Planning and Voluntary Sterilization: The public health system offers contraceptives to users only after their first pregnancy. The existence of requirements such as spousal consent before considering a woman's request for sterilization violates the right of Chilean women to reproductive autonomy.

National Office on Women (SERNAM): In practice, its work is very limited, since it lacks legitimacy with other state institutions and with civil society.

Domestic Violence: This five-year old law is limited by the absence of mechanisms for detecting noncompliance.

- Ann Farmer

WOMEN BEHIND BARS

In 1998, the Center for Reproductive Rights published Women Behind Bars: Chile's Abortion Laws. The following is an excerpt from an interview conducted on September 25, 1997 in "Chin Chin" prison in Puerto Montt, Chile: Cristina, 20-years-old and illiterate, got pregnant in the countryside, on one of the Cabuco Islands. When she realized she was pregnant, afraid of her family's reaction and with no support from her boyfriend, she left for the city where she found work in a store. A friend offered to take her to a woman who did abortions very discretely. The woman charged her 30,000 pesos (approximately U.S. $66), which Cristina raised only through great effort. She even borrowed money from her roommate. The method used was a surgical probe. She developed an infection, which gave her a high fever and badly frightened her. The woman who performed the abortion told her to go to the emergency health unit and say she had fallen off the roof of her house and onto a pile of wood. She managed to get to a hospital where they took care of her but they demanded to know who had performed the abortion. No matter how much they threatened her, Cristina remained silent - she remembered the woman had threatened to tell all to the police if her name was revealed. She was so frightened she said nothing and still keeps the woman's name a secret. Her family knows nothing and her friend has been to see her a couple times. She has been in jail for 16 months.

Legal induced abortion is the most frequently performed and one of the safest surgical procedures in the country. The risk of death associated with abortion is approximately 0.3 per 100,000 and the risk of major complication is less than 1%. (per Kaiser Family Foundation)

In the States

SOUTH CAROLINA ABORTION REGULATORS CAUGHT IN THEIR OWN "TRAP"

"What I want to know," asked Judge Traxler, "is what requires DHEC to keep these records - that they can go in and copy at will - confidential?" He also questioned one of the more broadly written ordinances. "This section 606 - 'all outside areas, grounds and/or adjacent buildings shall be kept free of rubbish, grass and weeds that may serve as a fire hazard or as a haven for insects, rodents and pests...' I confess, I don't understand how you would keep insects out of grass."

- District Court Judge William Traxler, Jr., (now on the U.S. Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals) expressing concern over legislative regulations in South Carolina, including one that would have allowed inspectors to copy abortion clinic patients' personal medical records.

When David Beasley ran for governor of South Carolina in 1994, he vowed to "regulate abortion" in his state. Sure enough, 18 months after his election twenty-seven pages of new regulations, entitled S.C. Code Ann. Regs. 61-12, passed the state legislature, requiring doctor's offices and medical facilities that perform five or more first-trimester abortions a month to heighten ceilings and widen hallways, eliminate indeterminate odors and maintain office temperatures within a four degree margin. A clinic could even be found in violation of the law if grass from an adjoining lawn grew over onto the property.

"I thought the rules were unfair and ridiculous," says Lorraine Maguire, director of the Charleston Women's Medical Clinic, one of five women's reproductive clinics in the state. "They were not intended to improve health care in South Carolina. I thought, he's [Gov. Beasley] going to fulfill his campaign promise to make South Carolina an abortion free state."

Across the country, anti-choice legislators and government officials are passing laws that impose burdensome requirements on abortion providers, in order to drive them out of business. The Center for Reproductive Rights calls this anti-choice strategy TRAP, the Targeted Regulation of Abortion Providers. The Center for Reproductive Rights has determined that at least fifteen states have existing TRAP laws that vary in detail and scope, and twenty new TRAP bills have been introduced since the beginning of the year. Center for Reproductive Rights attorney Janet Crepps says, "Anti-abortion groups are increasingly using TRAP laws as a means of reducing access to abortion. These laws threaten to increase the cost of abortion and eliminate services through unnecessary and unconstitutional regulations."

South Carolina's legislative strategy to undermine abortion clinics did not stop at costly and unnecessary building codes. A slew of new administrative burdens required frequent staff meetings, formal training, medical testing of employees, and many other extensive policies and procedures inappropriate for clinics of that size. Maguire estimated the new staffing requirements alone would swell her clinic's payrolls by many tens of thousands of dollars. In addition, the clinic she had successfully run for almost twenty years would have to undergo over $27,000 in renovations and be in full compliance within two years.

South Carolina women seeking abortions would have to pay more as well. Patients would have to undergo costly tests for sexually transmitted diseases, irrespective of any medical need for such testing. Maguire's clinic would have to raise the procedural charge from $36 to $75, while another S.C. abortion doctor estimated an increase of as much as $367, likely resulting in him ceasing to perform abortions in his area of the state.

Maguire knows what it's like to jump hurdles to attain a legal abortion. She became pregnant as a teenager before the passage of Roe v. Wade and had to see two psychiatrists before she could get an abortion costing her $1,000. She was determined to not let any unfair or unnecessary obstacles complicate the lives of other women.

So in July 1996, with the assistance of Center for Reproductive Rights litigators and local attorney Randall Hiller, Maguire and three S. C. physicians and their clinics successfully sought an injunction against the S.C. Department of Health and Environmental Control, the governor, and attorney general to prevent the implementation of Regs. 61-12, arguing that regulations governing doctors who perform abortion are a violation of women's constitutional right to choose abortion.

Presiding over the hearing was District Court Judge William Traxler, Jr., now a judge on the U.S. Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals, who expressed concern over the provision for DHEC inspectors to copy patients' personal medical records. "What I want to know," said Judge Traxler, "is what requires DHEC to keep these records - that they can go in and copy at will - confidential?" He also questioned one of the more broadly written ordinances. "This section 606," he said. "'All outside areas, grounds and/or adjacent buildings shall be kept free of rubbish, grass and weeds that may serve as a fire hazard or as a haven for insects, rodents and pests. . .' I confess, I don't understand how you would keep insects out of grass."

In federal district court two years later, Center for Reproductive Rights attorney Bonnie Scott Jones began the week-long trial by pointing out, despite the DHEC's assertion that its regulatory actions were an attempt to protect women's health, South Carolina was not experiencing any health problems relating to the provision of first-trimester abortions. Across the nation there is no evidence of deficient care in outpatient facilities, where more than 90% of all abortions are performed. Even a witness for the defense, Dr. Charles Ward, testified that abortion is one of the safest surgical procedures performed in the United States and the majority of the physicians practice to an acceptable level of care.

The Center for Reproductive Rights introduced evidence that showed none of the drafters of Regs. 61-12 had any expertise or experience in the provision of abortions, nor did they undertake any steps to educate themselves about first-trimester abortions and how they were performed. One witness for the prosecution, Dr. David Grimes, who is an expert in ob/gyn, public health and abortion procedures, asserted that the clinic regulations would more likely harm the health of women in South Carolina by forcing some women to delay their abortions until later in their pregnancy.

Grimes also testified that the regulations were so ambiguously written, interpretation was ultimately left to the discretion of DHEC health inspectors. And these inspectors were not required to impose the same regulations on physicians who perform identical abortion procedures, but less than five times a month. The plaintiffs' claim that facilities which perform five or more first-trimester abortions a month were being unfairly singled out, was further evidenced by the less stringent design and construction regulations governing surgical centers, which actually perform more risky and invasive procedures.

Judge Traxler oftentimes seemed to agree. Maguire says he questioned the regulation requiring clinics to have an awning or roof over the front door to protect handicapped people. "There's no awning over the front of this courthouse and no awning over my doctor's office," she recalls him saying. And when Maguire was asked to testify about her inability to keep the temperature at her facility between 72 and 76 degrees, she says the judge interjected, saying, "no one can monitor their temperature that close."

In a 94-page ruling, dated February 5, 1999, Judge Traxler wrote, "Despite the fact that abortion clinics have been operated in a safe manner for the past twenty-three years, [the state] loaded these abortion clinics down with so many unnecessary requirements that this court has no choice but to conclude that the regulation unduly burdens a women's fundamental right to undergo an abortion."

One month later, the state defendants filed an appeal with the United States Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit. However, the Center for Reproductive Rights is hopeful the Fourth Circuit Court will be influenced by Judge Traxler's carefully reasoned ruling, setting a positive course for closing future TRAPs.

- Ann Farmer

Legislative Update

NEW LAWS TRAMPLE REPRODUCTIVE RIGHTS

On June 9, 1999, Florida Governor Jeb Bush signed a bill creating a "Choose Life" license plate despite objections that a state should not sanction political statements. Two days later he signed into law a parental notification bill which requires doctors to inform parents 48 hours before performing an abortion on a minor. So far Florida has surpassed all other state legislatures in signing restrictive anti-abortion measures this term.

By late June, ten states had ushered new anti-abortion bills into law since January. Texas Governor George Bush (brother of Jeb Bush) also signed a parental notification bill which, similar to the Florida bill, violates the privacy rights of minors and will force some teens to delay getting an abortion at risk to their health. Jeb Bush was quoted in the Tampa Tribune as saying,"This is something of a controversial thing...But I wonder what the fuss is all about." The fact is, many pregnant teens have reasons for not telling their parents. Some hazard upsetting an already fragile family environment. Others are at risk of physical or emotional abuse from their parents. Many teens will subsequently travel to other states to get an abortion rather than tell their parents.

So-called "partial birth abortion" bans passed in North Dakota and Montana. Now twenty-nine states have "partial birth abortion" laws, which are so vague they could ban almost all abortions in violation of a woman's constitutional right to choose abortion. The good news is that Montana's bill removed the ban on abortion advertising that had been declared unconstitutional by a federal court.

Arizona became the latest state to pass a TRAP (Targeted Regulation of Abortion Providers) bill, which is a legislative attempt to force abortion clinics out of business by imposing burdensome requirements on them that are more stringent than regulations applied to comparable medical practices.

Once again, the Maryland state legislature voted to restrict Medicaid and public funding of abortions except in certain instances, including cases of rape, incest, fetal anomaly, or to preserve the life or health of the woman, for fiscal year 2000.

Meanwhile, contraceptive equity bills continue to gain momentum. Five states (CT, GA, ME, NV, and VT) signed into law a bill which requires individual and group health insurance policies which already cover prescriptions to provide FDA-approved prescription contraceptive coverage. Connecticut's new law contains an unfortunate clause exempting certain religious employers, however it was still cause for celebration.

The Center for Reproductive Rights' State Program Coordinator Karen Raschke says, "Our successful efforts to enact contraceptive equity legislation highlight the essential difference between us and our abortion opponents: our common sense, mainstream efforts which help reduce the incidence of unintended pregnancy serve a positive public policy, while anti-abortion legislation both denigrates women and infects legislative hallways with a damaging negativity."

On the Docket

CENTER FOR REPRODUCTIVE RIGHTS IN THE COURTS:

PREGNANT WOMEN'S RIGHTS ARE PROTECTED

Wisconsin
Current Status:
In an important victory for the rights of pregnant women, the Wisconsin Court of Appeals dismissed criminal charges brought against Deborah Zimmerman, a woman charged with attempted first-degree intentional homicide and reckless injury for being intoxicated while pregnant. In a May 26 decision, a unanimous court determined that under Wisconsin law, these charges may only be brought for actions perpetrated against another "human being," not an unborn child. The court also noted that the broad interpretation of criminal statutes sought by prosecutors could result in the prosecution of pregnant women for any reckless or dangerous conduct, such as smoking heavily or abusing medications.

"Today's ruling sends a message to Wisconsin and across the country that issues of addiction should be addressed by public health policies, rather than criminal prosecutions," said Priscilla Smith, Deputy Director of Litigation for the Center for Reproductive Rights. Courts in 21 states have rejected criminal prosecution of pregnant women for behavior that harms their fetuses. Only South Carolina has a statute that criminalizes such behavior.

Background: On December 3, 1998, the Wisconsin Supreme Court heard arguments in the Zimmerman case. On April 9, 1999 the Supreme Court announced it was deadlocked in a 3-3 tie and sent the case back to the Court of Appeals for a decision.

In a case that received national attention, Zimmerman was charged with attempting to kill her fetus by drinking while pregnant, after delivering a child allegedly with alcohol in her blood in March, 1996. The child lived, gained weight, and was discharged to a foster family.

Priscilla Smith of the Center for Reproductive Rights represents Deborah Zimmerman in the case State of Wisconsin v. Zimmerman (No.96-2797-CR(Wisc. 2d CT. App., May 26, 1999)), with local cooperating attorney, Sally Hoelzel.

FREEZE ON "PARTIAL-BIRTH ABORTION" BAN

Wisconsin
Current Status:
Despite a higher court's ruling that Wisconsin's "partial-birth abortion" ban is likely unconstitutional, U.S. District Court Judge John C. Shabaz upheld the ban on May 28. However, Judge Shabaz agreed to delay enforcement of his decision pending resolution of plaintiff's appeal of the ruling to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit. Judge Shabaz ruled after a two-day trial. Four doctors testified that the Wisconsin law was so vague that it subjected them to arbitrary prosecution, and undermined their ability to care for their patients.

Background: "Partial-birth abortion" bans in 19 states have been blocked or limited as courts have determined that those bans unconstitutionally restrict abortion procedures performed throughout pregnancy. The decision of Judge Shabaz stands in stark contrast with the earlier analysis of the Seventh Circuit, which stopped operation of the Wisconsin law in June, 1998. The Seventh Circuit wrote in November, 1998: "Wisconsin is taking chances of unknown magnitude with the health of pregnant women. This the Supreme Court's decisions do not permit." The Seventh Circuit sent the case back to the district court for trial.

Last May, Judge Shabaz became the first judge to deny a preliminary injunction against a so-called "partial-birth abortion" ban that would apply to pre-viability abortions. If the Wisconsin ban were to go into effect it would be the harshest in the nation, imposing a penalty of mandatory life imprisonment on doctors found in violation of its vague provisions. Fearing that the broadly worded abortion ban had rendered all abortions illegal, some Wisconsin physicians stopped performing abortions for a week.

Health care providers challenging the Wisconsin ban in Planned Parenthood of Wisconsin v. Doyle (No. 98-C-0305 S(W.D. Wisc., May 28, 1999)) are represented by Bonnie Scott Jones of the Center for Reproductive Rights and Roger Evans of the Planned Parenthood Federation of America.

CHALLENING " TRAP" (TARGETED REGULATION OF ABORTION PROVIDERS)

Tennessee
Current Status:
In response to the state of Tennessee's legal action to block the Women's Center in Nashville from performing abortions, a Tennessee state court issued an order on June 7 prohibiting the performance of abortions at the facility after June 12. On June 15, Federal District Court Judge John Nixon issued a temporary restraining order allowing the Women's Center to provide abortions to women with previously scheduled appointments whose pregnancies are nearing the end of the first trimester. A further hearing in state court has been set for June 24.

Background: On May 12, the State of Tennessee filed a state court action asserting that the Women's Center is operating in violation of state health department regulations. The Center for Reproductive Rights, working with a local attorney, has filed state and federal court challenges against Tennessee's regulatory scheme, charging that the regulations unduly target abortion providers, unconstitutionally burden women's right to choose abortion, and fail to further women's health and safety.

Janet Crepps of the Center for Reproductive Rights is representing the providers in the case, (No. 321 (M.D. Tenn., June 15, 1999)) along with local cooperating counsel, Thomas Jessee and Gary Brewer.

FEDERAL FUNDING BANS ON ABORTION

Current Status: On June 9, the Center for Reproductive Rights challenged the Department of Defense health policy, charging that its prohibition against abortion in certain tragic cases is unconstitutional. The lawsuit seeks to compel the Civilian Health and Medical Program of the Uniformed Services (CHAMPUS) to provide medical insurance coverage for abortions performed in cases where the fetus is afflicted with a fatal disorder and could not survive.

Background: The lawsuit was filed on behalf of Maureen and Andrew Britell, who were covered under the CHAMPUS policy due to Andrew's active military service as a Captain in the Air National Guard in Cape Cod, Massachusetts in 1994. Late in Maureen's second pregnancy, the Britells learned that their fetus had a fatal disorder and could not survive. After consulting with their doctors and family, they made the difficult decision to terminate the pregnancy. However, CHAMPUS refused to pay for the abortion procedure.

The single exception to the CHAMPUS insurance prohibition on abortion is when the pregnancy threatens the life of the mother. "Andrew and I still cannot believe that the United States government punishes women like me who have faced tragic pregnancies by denying us health care when we need it most," says Maureen Britell.

In the case Britell v. William Cohen, (No. 99 CV 11253 NG (D. Mass. filed June 8, 1999)) Maureen and Andrew Britell are represented by Simon Heller and Janet Benshoof of the Center for Reproductive Rights, along with cooperating attorney John Henn of the Boston firm Foley, Hoag & Eliot.

MANDATORY COUNSELING LAW MODIFIED SHARPLY

Michigan
Current Status:
A settlement was reached between abortion providers/clinics and the state in a case that challenged Michigan's mandatory delay and biased counseling restriction on abortion. Under its terms, many changes are made to the law.

The settlement clarifies an otherwise vague statute, and minimizes the harm to women and the threat of arbitrary prosecution of physicians.

Under the settlement, counseling information can be provided over the phone, and materials can be distributed through the mail, by fax or electronic mail. Before, the law required two trips to the clinic. In addition, the definition of "medical emergency" has been clarified to enable physicians to provide abortion services without delay if the woman's life or health is endangered. The settlement permits qualified staff, including nurses and counselors, to provide the required information.

The settlement does not alter the content of the state-scripted materials. Clinics are permitted to provide their own more accurate information. Some information must be provided to patients 24 hours before the abortion, other portions on the day of the abortion.

Background: Michigan's mandatory counseling law has been blocked by state and federal courts since March, 1994 and has never taken effect.

Plaintiffs in Northland Family Planning Clinic, Inc. v. Engler [No.94-75351] include 21 reproductive health care clinics across Michigan, four physicians, and two women's rights organizations. They are represented by Julie F. Kay and Priscilla Smith of the Center for Reproductive Rights, and local counsel Shelley Spivack and Linda Pylypiw of Flint, and Lore Rogers of Ann Arbor.

PARENTAL NOTICE FOR ABORTION

Florida
Current Status:
The Center for Reproductive Rights filed a challenge to Florida's parental notification requirement on June 11, just moments after Governor Jeb Bush signed the measure into law, charging that parental notice for abortion harms young women's health and robs them of their rights under the state constitution.

Background: Florida is the 40th state to adopt laws requiring young women to obtain the consent or notify one or both parents prior to an abortion, but only 30 states are enforcing the measures. Under the Florida law, physicians will be required to notify one of the parents or a legal guardian of young women seeking abortions at least 48 hours prior to the procedure or face penalties, including losing their license to practice medicine. The law contains a judicial bypass, which allows minors the alternative of seeking a court order authorizing the procedure.

In 1989, the Florida Supreme Court struck down a similar law that required written parental consent. The court ruled that the state constitution allowed young women the same right to privacy as adult women. Pro-choice attorneys assert that the new parental notice law is unconstitutional, as well, based on the same state constitutional guarantee of the right to privacy.

Plaintiffs in the case North Florida Women's Health & Counseling Services, Inc v. State of Florida (No. 99-3202, (FL. 2d Cir. Ct. filed June 11, 1999)) include several abortion providers and clinics across Florida, as well as women's rights groups. They are represented by Bebe Anderson of the Center for Reproductive Rights, local cooperating attorney Charlene Carres of Tallahassee, and Dara Klassel of the Planned Parenthood Federation of America.

- Margie Kelly | |